Of Course I Don't Look Suspicious...I'm White

I have never once had a single concern for the Fourth Amendment. This section of the U.S. Constitution was put in place by our Founding Fathers to prevent arbitrary searches and seizures of civilians by authorities. I have never been "arbitrarily searched" nor have I ever had any of my property seized. At least some of the reason for this is that I am a white male.

After reading this next chapter of The New Jim Crow, I asked about ten of my African American friends if they had experienced such searches by the authorities. All but one had. Two of my closest friends were pulled over and thoroughly searched just the other day for "looking suspicious." The policeman claimed that they were looking down when he drove by.

If enough of these searches are conducted - and lawfully so given the Supreme Court ruling that the police are free to use minor traffic violations as a pretext to conduct drug investigations, even when there is no evidence of illegal drug activity - eventually drugs will be found. If these searches are conducted primarily on African Americans, mostly African Americans will be arrested. This, argues Alexander, is precisely the case in our nation today. One of the major problems with this is that African American drug use pales in comparison to White American drug use.

She sites a study conducted in 2000 by the National Institute on Drug Abuse that white students use cocaine at seven times the rate of black students, use crack cocaine at eight times the rate of black students, and use heroin at seven times the rate of black students. Other studies have been conducted and nearly all of their findings indicate that the majority of illegal drug users and dealers nationwide are white.

But three-fourths of all people imprisoned for drug offenses have been black or Latino.

To make matters even worse, most of those convicted for possession are never afforded proper legal representation. Yes, they should receive it, but they just don't. Most cases never reach trial. Alexander, and others, blame the threat of strict penalties for this. A large percentage of those convicted are persuaded to plead guilty (for a much lesser sentence) rather than take the risk of being found guilty (and receiving a much worse sentence). The author provides ample statistics and examples to support her claims.

I must admit that my inclination is to let the case go to trial if I am innocent. But I must remember that "my kind" has, for the most part, always been afforded justice. There are many stories of innocent African Americans pleading guilty simply because they do not believe the court system will offer them justice. Given their history in America, I am now more understanding of their fear.

Again, this book is an eye-opener. I am still struggling with some of Alexander's statements and implications. But I am also convicted and alarmed by the injustices and unfortunate circumstances I have been blinded to for so long simply because of my race.